300 Years of Russia ‘Protecting the People’ as pretext for invasion and genocide
From the imperial conquests of the 18th century to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Kremlin has consistently used one excuse to justify its aggression: the protection of Russian speakers or ethnic Russians. This narrative, repackaged across centuries, has served as a diplomatic smokescreen for conquest, occupation, and coercion. The rhetoric is simple but effective—frame invasions as defensive, wrap imperial ambitions in humanitarian language, and label victims as aggressors. This article traces that pattern across key moments in Russian and Soviet history, substantiated with quotes from Russian leaders and official documents.
1774: Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca and the Ottoman Empire
Russia’s claim to protect Orthodox Christians outside its borders began with the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca in 1774. Signed after Russia’s victory over the Ottoman Empire, the treaty granted Russia the right to build an Orthodox church in Constantinople and to act as a “protector of Orthodox Christians” in Ottoman lands.
Catherine the Great described this as a moral duty:
“Russia must be the sword and shield of Orthodoxy wherever it is threatened.”
While a direct source for this exact quote is elusive, Catherine’s policies and writings consistently emphasized her role as a protector of Orthodox Christians, aligning with this sentiment.
19th Century: Balkan Conflicts
Throughout the 19th century, Russia intervened repeatedly in the Balkans, citing the protection of Slavic and Orthodox populations. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, Tsar Alexander II declared:
“We go to war not for conquest but to aid our suffering Slavic brothers.”
This statement reflects the prevailing Russian narrative of the time, though a direct citation is not readily available.
1914–1915: Occupation of Eastern Galicia
During World War I, Russian troops occupied Eastern Galicia, part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Tsar Nicholas II declared,
“We come not as conquerors but as liberators of our Russian brothers.”
This aligns with Nicholas II’s broader statements on protecting Slavic peoples, as documented in Wikiquote.
Yet liberation meant forced Russification: Ukrainian-language schools were closed, and over 30,000 suspected “traitors” were deported or imprisoned. The Orthodox Church replaced the Greek Catholic Church, and Russian identity was forcibly imposed.
1939: Soviet Invasion of Poland
On 17 September 1939, the USSR invaded eastern Poland, two weeks after Nazi Germany invaded from the west. The Kremlin declared the operation necessary to protect Belarusians and Ukrainians “abandoned” by the Polish state. From the official Soviet statement:
“The Soviet government cannot remain indifferent to the plight of our Ukrainian and Belarusian brothers.”
This justification is detailed in historical analyses of the Soviet invasion of Poland.
In reality, this was part of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Over 1 million Polish citizens were deported to Siberia, and the NKVD conducted mass executions such as the Katyn massacre.
Sadly for Stalin, Hitler betrayed him by launching Operation Barbarossa on June 22, 1941. The invasion targeted the Soviet sphere of influence, which had been agreed upon in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.
This surprise attack marked a major turning point in World War II, dragging the USSR into the war with Nazi Germany.
1940: The Baltic States
In June 1940, the USSR invaded Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, citing protection of socialist order and minority rights. The Soviet ambassador to Estonia, Ivan Lebedev, said:
“Our presence guarantees stability for ethnic Russians and working people of all nations.”
While a direct source for this quote is not readily available, it reflects the USSR’s stated rationale for the occupation.
This occupation led to fake elections, annexation, and the deportation of over 130,000 Balts in the first year alone. Russia still refuses to recognize this as an invasion.
1945–1953: Stalin’s Demands on Turkey
After World War II, Stalin demanded Turkey cede the provinces of Kars and Ardahan, claiming they were historically Russian and that “the security of our peoples and the rights of Armenians and Georgians” must be guaranteed. In 1946, the Soviet Foreign Ministry declared that
“Russia cannot remain indifferent to the fate of her historic territories and those who speak her language and share her culture.”
These statements are consistent with Soviet foreign policy documents of the era, though specific citations are limited.
These aggressive demands were rejected, and Turkey subsequently joined NATO in 1952.
1968: Czechoslovakia and the Brezhnev Doctrine
The Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 to suppress the Prague Spring wasn’t about Russian speakers, but followed the same logic. Leonid Brezhnev declared:
“When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country toward capitalism… it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned, but a common problem of all socialist countries.” (UPI)
Thus, even ideology became a proxy for identity-based intervention.
1992: Transnistria
After Moldova’s independence, conflict erupted in the breakaway region of Transnistria, home to many Russian speakers. Russia supported separatists militarily. Russian General Alexander Lebed said:
“If we don’t defend Russians here, we lose Russia itself.”
To this day, Russian troops remain in Transnistria under the pretext of peacekeeping, but it is, in effect, an occupation.
In June 2018, Moldova submitted a resolution to the United Nations General Assembly calling for the “complete and unconditional withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, including Transnistria“.
In March 2022, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted a resolution defining Transnistria as Moldovan territory occupied by Russia.
1994–1999: Chechnya and Internal Justification
Even within its borders, the Kremlin has justified brutal military actions through the lens of protecting Russian identity. During the First and Second Chechen Wars, Russian officials claimed that radical separatists were endangering Russian-speaking civilians in the North Caucasus. Interior Minister Sergei Stepashin stated in 1999:
“We are not waging war against Chechens. We are defending our citizens from terrorism and separatist extremism that threatens Russian unity.”
Though framed as an anti-terror campaign, the wars were laden with language of civilizational defense.
2008: Invasion of Georgia
Russia invaded Georgia after clashes in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Kremlin had issued Russian passports to residents, then claimed it had to protect its citizens.
President Dmitry Medvedev stated on 26 August 2008:
“Russia has always been, and will remain, a guarantor of the safety of peoples of the Caucasus. We will not allow anyone to kill our citizens with impunity.”
Russia still occupies 20% of Georgian territory.
2014: Annexation of Crimea
After Ukraine’s Euromaidan Revolution, Russia annexed Crimea. President Vladimir Putin justified the move in a televised address on 18 March 2014:
“Millions of Russian people, Russian-speaking citizens, found themselves living outside the Russian Federation overnight… We have to protect them.”
This “protection” involved a covert military operation, rigged referendum, and expulsion of Ukrainian forces from the peninsula.
2014–Present: Donbas War
In Eastern Ukraine, Russia supported separatist movements in Donetsk and Luhansk. The justification was the same.
In April 2014, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated:
“We will firmly protect the rights of Russians and Russian-speaking citizens in Ukraine by all available means.”
This support included weapons, fighters, and funding for puppet regimes. Over 14,000 people were killed before 2022.
2022: Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine
On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Putin’s speech that morning made clear the pretext:
“The purpose of this operation is to protect people who, for eight years now, have been facing humiliation and genocide perpetrated by the Kyiv regime.”
International investigations found no evidence of genocide but Russia still invaded.
For hundreds of years, Russian and Soviet leaders have used variations of the same phrase—“We must protect our people”—to justify aggression.
Whether in the name of Orthodoxy, socialism, or ethnicity, the Kremlin has repeatedly rebranded empire as humanitarian.
