From Bucharest to Warsaw: Russia’s Defeated Candidate Resurfaces in Poland

Only two weeks after Russia’s failed attempt to seize control of the Romanian presidency through a disinformation and cash-fueled campaign, their preferred candidate has already been dispatched to Poland. George Simion, leader of Romania’s ultranationalist Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), having lost the May 2025 presidential rerun, is now openly backing Karol Nawrocki, a right-wing candidate in Poland’s own high-stakes election—prompting warnings that Moscow is simply shifting its efforts to the next vulnerable target.
Simion’s failed presidential bid was marred by controversy. The original Romanian election in late 2024 was annulled by the Constitutional Court after evidence of Russian interference, including coordinated TikTok propaganda that helped deliver a surprise victory for far-right candidate Călin Georgescu. That result was tossed out, and Georgescu was later barred from the rerun due to ties with extremist organizations and opaque campaign financing.
Simion’s failed presidential bid was marred by controversy. The original Romanian election in late 2024 was annulled by the Constitutional Court after evidence of Russian interference, including coordinated TikTok propaganda that helped deliver a surprise victory for far-right candidate Călin Georgescu. That result was tossed out, and Georgescu was later barred from the rerun due to ties with extremist organizations and opaque campaign financing.
In the re-run’s first round on May 4, 2025, Simion surged into contention with 41% of the vote, campaigning on anti-EU rhetoric, the unification of Romania and Moldova, and hardline “traditional values.” However, he lost the runoff to centrist Nicușor Dan, the mayor of Bucharest, who secured 53.6% of the vote. Despite alleging “French interference”, Simion’s claims were dismissed for lack of evidence. Even fake “Euronews” report didn’t change anything.
Simion’s defeat was a blow to Moscow’s ambitions in Romania, where he had long been viewed as a Kremlin sympathizer. In 2024, he was banned from both Ukraine and Moldova for “anti-Ukrainian activity.” While not as overtly pro-Russian as Georgescu, Simion’s alignment with Kremlin-friendly narratives has been well documented, especially his hostility toward NATO and the European Union.
Now, Simion has reappeared in Rzeszów, Poland, announcing on May 27 via X his attendance at CPAC Polska 2025, a conservative political gathering. There, he lent support to Karol Nawrocki, the Law and Justice (PiS)-backed nationalist running in Poland’s presidential election. Nawrocki and Simion had previously appeared together at a campaign event on May 14.
On my way to 🇵🇱#Rzeszow – @cpacpolska_2025 !
Looking forward to meeting old and new friends💪!
🇷🇴🇵🇱🇺🇸 @CPAC@RepublikaTV— 🇷🇴 George Simion 🇲🇩 (@georgesimion) May 27, 2025
The move provoked sharp criticism from Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who warned that “Russia rejoices” at their alliance, and accused Nawrocki’s circle of opening the door to Kremlin narratives. With Poland serving as a key NATO bulwark and logistical hub for Ukraine’s defense, any weakening of its Western alignment carries serious geopolitical risk.
Rosja się cieszy. Nawrocki i jego prorosyjski rumuński odpowiednik George Simion na jednej scenie pięć dni przed wyborami prezydenckimi w Polsce i Rumunii. Wszystko jasne.
— Donald Tusk (@donaldtusk) May 13, 2025
The backlash was swift. On X, users accused Simion of “poisoning” Nawrocki’s campaign.
One viral post claimed Nawrocki’s polling numbers “nosedived” after their joint appearance. Polish account SolidarityRnwd demanded Simion “go home,” accusing him of being Moscow’s pawn in Warsaw.
Simion’s cross-border campaigning is emblematic of a broader trend: far-right leaders leveraging nationalism and Euroskepticism to destabilize EU cohesion, often to Moscow’s benefit.
From Romania to Poland, the tactic is familiar: exploit discontent, flood social media with misinformation, and push Kremlin-friendly candidates into the spotlight.
While Simion failed to win power in Bucharest, his presence in Warsaw underscores a larger concern—that Russia’s efforts to influence Eastern European politics have not ended. They have simply moved next door.